La nostra casa sullAdriatico (I Classici) (Italian Edition)
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In short, he became a local scapegoat. The German army, after all, was no longer around. It had no human face. Giubbi was the leading religious figure in San Miniato—highly visible and an easy target. In other places, the partisans often became the scapegoats, especially where massacres were interpreted as reprisals after partisan actions, as at Civitella and in Rome with the Fosse Ardeatine.
Despite the fact that the council enquiry of to cleared Giubbi of any responsibility and had praised his actions before, during, and after the massacre, doubts remained in the town. The bishop was threatened physically by relatives of the victims and he died in unable to clear his name. A popular story relates that during his funeral in a fire was lit on the hill above the town in celebration.
Giubbi had been a strong sympathizer with fascism and had no time for the partisans—whom he called criminals. The divisions in the town were also political. The importance of this event can be seen by who unveiled the plaque: Ferruccio Parri, one of the leaders of the Resistance and Prime Minister of Italy in It was the first and most important act of public and official memory regarding the massacre. When the Taviani brothers made a documentary their first film about the massacre in , they were not allowed to film inside the cathedral.
It was the plaque and the anniversary that encouraged a local priest, Don Enrico Giannoni, to produce his own detailed counterreport arguing that the killings had been caused by a U. The priest in question refused to bless the plaque. Doubts and alternative versions had been around ever since the massacre itself. The postwar resistance consensus forced these doubts underground until a new commission of inquiry was set up in Divided memories about the events of were carried forward and expressed in private narratives, public memorials, and debates.
The Taviani brothers who are from San Miniato brought out their film out in , reopening debates about the massacre. The film was ambiguous over the events of , but it certainly pointed the finger at the Germans. Other historians began to unearth new documents that pointed toward the U.
Other publications also backed the U. Pressure came on the local council to look into the case again. They decided to act, calling on a group of local academics to reexamine the old evidence, as well as the new evidence that had emerged over the years. Instead of a dreary report, they produced a fascinating book, which included studies of the massacre, of the commemorations over the years and new interviews with witnesses and survivors.
The bomb, according to the commission, had been American. Words changed. From a massacre strage the event became a more neutral eccidio killing. The title of the commission report had already made this change. The outcome of the report had a number of other consequences.
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First, it reclassified the massacre. Should San Miniato still be included in the list of Nazi massacres, with all that entailed in terms of memory, commemoration, history, and meaning?
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Other historians remain convinced that the Germans were directly responsible, or that doubts remained over the cause of the deaths in the church. What we are interested in here, however, are the ways in which these developments affected the memories of the events of As experts on divided memory, the historians on the commission came to an original conclusion. In short, they called for an acceptance of the divided memories emerging from the San Miniato tragedy, and tried to avoid any political exploitation of their findings.
San Miniato had constructed its antifascist identity around the massacre, which linked in with the transition from fascism to democracy.
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Contini looked at the witness accounts from the s and also carried out his own series of new interviews. After sixty years there was much confusion—layers of interpretation had become part of the story. The author of a key volume on the San Miniato massacre, for example, ignores the whole question of divided memories. Debate shifted toward the idea of German responsibility in a wider sense.
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The population had, after all, been forced to gather together in an exposed part of the town at a time when San Miniato was under fire. Moreover, the Germans and Italian fascists were responsible for the war itself. There are others who still argue that a massacre had been planned.
Other killings had taken place in cathedral squares. Round-ups often took place before such massacres. Politics played a part in these divisions. Nonetheless, these divisions over memory were not purely political, but were also linked to history, culture, and the work of historians. Beyond the plaque, the memorials installed in the town in the s and s reflected the ambiguities over the facts, and the different positions among various residents.
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Divided memory had already become public memory in the town, well before the latest commission began its work. Three separate but linked monuments or plaques were put up in or around the Duomo after the s and s. None of them takes a clear line on the responsibility for the deaths in , unlike the plaque on the town hall nearby. The monument is abstract and simple.
It takes no position at all. Its inscription gives no information about the killings, apart from its date: San Miniato — Both of the monuments in the piazza were examples of the stand-off in the town, a kind of pact that acknowledged the conflict over the past but also created a kind of silence. The delicate issue of the wording of the new plaque was handed over to the expresident of Italy, Oscar Luigi Scalfaro.
One further—crucial—question remained. What was to be done with the old plaque? The council stated that the second plaque would be put up on the walls of the Town Hall, while the first one would be left in place. The two plaques directly contradicted each other but were also symbiotic: they talked to each other.